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Adolescents with Heart Damage After Covid ‘Vaccine’ Face Long-Term Health Challenges, Study Warns

How Long Has Industry Captured Vaccine Regulation?

by Jeffrey A. Tucker
December 25, 2025
Listen to "Patriot TV" on Spreaker.

(Infowars)—Among the many incredible revelations over the past five years is the extent of the power of the pharmaceutical companies. Through advertising, they have been able to shape media content. That in turn has affected digital content companies, which responded from 2020 onward by taking down posts that questioned the safety and efficacy of Covid vaccines.

They have captured universities and medical journals with donations and other forms of financial control. Finally, they are far more decisive in driving the agenda of governments than we ever knew. Just for example, we found out in 2023 that the NIH shared thousands of patents with pharma, with a market value approaching $1-2 billion. This was all made possible by the Bayh-Dole Act of 1980, which was pushed as a form of privatization but only ended up entrenching the worst corporatist corruptions.

The hold over governments was cemented with the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986, which granted a liability shield to the makers of products that appear on the childhood schedule. The injured are simply not permitted to fight it out in civilian courts. No other industry enjoys such sweeping indemnification under the law.

Pharma today arguably competes with the military munitions industry in its hold over power. No other industry in human history has managed to close the economies of 194 countries to force most of the world’s population to wait for its inoculation. Such power makes the East India Company, against which the American founders revolted, look like a corner grocery by comparison.

There is ample talk about how much pharma has suffered since its vaunted product flopped. But let’s not be naive. Their power is still ubiquitously on display in every sector of society. The fight at the state level for over-the-counter therapeutics – and for medical freedom for the citizenry – reveals the scope of the challenges ahead. The reformers that now head agencies in Washington are fighting daily through a thicket of influence that goes back many decades.

Just how far in the past does this power extend? The first federal effort to push vaccination – however primitive and dangerous – was from President James Madison. “The Act to Encourage Vaccination” of 1813 required that smallpox vaccines be given away for free and properly delivered to anyone who requests them. As injury and death piled up, and amidst cries of profiteering and corruption, Congress acted decisively in 1822 to repeal the act.

The turning point in public opinion was what came to be known as the Tarboro Tragedy. The most reputed vaccinologist in the country and the official guardian of the vaccine, Dr. James Smith, had accidentally sent material containing live smallpox virus instead of cowpox vaccine to a physician in Tarboro, North Carolina. This caused a local smallpox outbreak, infecting around 60 people and resulting in approximately 10 deaths. This error damaged public and Congressional trust in the federal program’s ability to safely handle and distribute vaccine matter.

The great promise of vaccination, which seemed to raise the possibility of the scientific eradication of deadly disease under the guidance of elite healers, had fallen into disrepute.

Even so, when the Civil War broke out in 1861, there was a push to get all soldiers vaccinated to stop deadly smallpox outbreaks. With that came a slew of injuries and deaths. Historian Terry Reimer writes:

“Unfavorable results from vaccination, or spurious vaccinations, were all too common. Even pure vaccine, obtained from official Army dispensaries, sometimes caused complications. Sometimes, faulty preservation of the crusts could have compromised their effectiveness. As is the case even with modern vaccines today, occasionally, the vaccine did not take, failing to produce the major reaction at the vaccination site that was expected. In other cases, the site of the vaccination became overly sore and swollen, and abnormal pustules developed, leaving surgeons to question whether those vaccinations had been effective.

“Complications from using a scab from a recently vaccinated adult were even more deleterious. Since many vaccinations took place in hospitals, crusts from men who were sick with other conditions were occasionally used unintentionally, spreading disease rather than preventing it. Often, soldiers in a hospital or prison didn’t get vaccinated until smallpox had already appeared in the facility, increasing the risks for some who might not have otherwise been exposed to the disease.

“Perhaps the worst, and unfortunately common, form of spurious vaccination was the use of scabs that were syphilitic in nature. This occurred both in the hospitals and among the soldiers who self-vaccinated. Misdiagnosing a scab or harvesting crusts from the arm of a soldier who had syphilis would spread this disease to everyone vaccinated from that source. In one notable case, two brigades were affected by a vaccination infection that was thought to be syphilitic in nature. The men were so sick that the brigades were unfit for military service. The epidemic was traced to a single soldier who had obtained vaccination material from a woman who likely had syphilis.

“The Confederate Medical Department attempted to prohibit soldier-to-soldier vaccination to limit these damaging effects. Even civilians were discouraged from self-vaccination, as the consequences of spurious vaccine had spread to the general population as well, leading to a mistrust of the vaccination process.”

At this point in history, we were a century and a half deep into the vaccine experience, and certainly with mixed results owing to unsafe methods and spurious products. But there was no giving up. Quite the contrary. The medical journals of the late 19th century were filled with optimism about the capacity of medical science to cure all diseases and even grant eternal life provided the mixtures and administration were improved.

“There is apparently no inherent reason why man should die,” editorialized American Druggist in 1902, “except our ignorance of the conditions governing the reaction going on in his protoplasm.” This problem can be fixed by “the artificial synthesis of living matter,” with vaccination on the front lines of finding the fix for mortality itself. Yes, there has always been a religious dimension to the ethos of this industry.

The turning point came in 1902 with the Biologics Control Act, the first true intervention by the federal government during the Progressive Era that set the stage for the regulation of all food and medicine. Indeed, this act came four years before Upton Sinclair’s novel The Jungle that inspired the passage of the Federal Meat Inspection Act of 1906.

In popular lore, the meat act was passed by Congress to reign in a dangerous industry and bring strict safety standards to bear in a way that protected public health. But as Murray Rothbard has proven, the real power behind the passage of the act was the meat cartel itself, which not only favored cartelization that crushed smaller competitors but dealt a fatal blow to the traditional practice of farmers slaughtering and processing their own meat. Even to this day, the meatpackers wield all the regulatory power.

Not much has been written about the same efforts undertaken in the vaccine and pharmacology industries four years earlier. But it’s a reasonable assumption that the same forces were at work here too. It took some time, and AI did not help at all, but eventually we found the definitive article on the topic that goes to primary resources to discover precisely what was going on. Sure enough, the Biologics Control Act of 1902 was entirely an industry creation, pushed by the dominant players in the market to crush the competition and passed to shore up public skepticism.



The article in question is “Early Developments in the Regulation of Biologics” by Terry S. Coleman, appearing in Food and Drug Law Journal, 2016. This extraordinary piece demonstrates that the hidden hand behind the law was industry itself. The act was not restraining trade but rather giving it a much-needed credibility boost.

The kickoff for the act was a slew of well-publicized deaths from vaccines in 1901. In Camden, New Jersey, there were 80 infections and 11 deaths from tetanus that were traced to a single poisoned vaccine. In addition, there were other such incidents in Philadelphia, Atlantic City, Cleveland, and Bristol, Pennsylvania.

The reputation of the industry was in free fall. Something had to be done to bolster market share. The industry ran to Washington and pulled out all the stops to get regulated, posing as the business that hated regulation but was willing to acquiesce.

“Histories of the 1902 Act generally describe it simply as a congressional response to the St. Louis and Camden incidents as if the law was the outcome of some routine congressional process.” In actual fact, “the 1902 Act was an initiative of the large biologics manufacturers, and it was enacted with the secret cooperation of Public Health Service.”

“The biologics industry sought passage of the 1902 Act primarily because it feared that the contamination incidents would cause additional state and local health departments to make their own vaccines and antitoxins, wiping out the commercial biologics business….Some medical publications also called for governmental inspection and licensing of biologics manufacturers. The Journal of the American Medical Association editorialized that ‘[i]f necessary, legislation should be had forbidding the sale or use of any antitoxin not. . .tested and certified by some competent authority.’ The New York Times called for more intensive inspection and supervision of commercial biologics producers. In October 1902, the Conference of State and Provincial Boards of Health of North America recommended that vaccine should be produced either by governments or by private producers ‘under the closest supervision of qualified government officials.’”

The leading manufacturer that pushed for the law was Parke-Davis. This is the company that sought to “reduce competition by establishing strict governmental standards that small producers would have difficulty meeting.” Shortly after the law was enacted, Parke-Davis wrote to the Public Health Service with suggestions for regulations stating, “As you are perhaps aware, the regulations cannot be too stringent for us.”⁶

Coleman comments: “It is impossible to disentangle the desire for strict regulations to boost public confidence in biologics from the desire for such regulations to eliminate competitors, but it is noteworthy that several biologics producers went out of business because they were unable to pass PHS inspections.⁶¹

Advisor Bullion Surge

The agency assigned the task of regulating vaccines after 1902 was the Hygienic Laboratory within the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service. In 1930, this became the National Institutes of Health, today headed by Jay Bhattacharya with the mandate to untie the agency’s mission from industry capture.

As for Parke-Davis, it was acquired in 1970 by Warner-Lambert. In 2000, Pfizer acquired Warner-Lambert in a $90 billion merger, the largest in pharmaceutical acquisitions in history at the time. This brought Parke-Davis under Pfizer’s umbrella, where the company remains today.

Then in 1905, the industry received the greatest possible gift from the Supreme Court. In Jacobson v. Massachusetts, the court blessed forced vaccination on grounds that public health must always trump the freedom of conscience. Here we are 123 years later, and the implications of this 1902 act are still being felt, complete with the overwhelming influence of industrial cartels that drive federal regulatory efforts.

The events of 2020-2023 have once again raised profound questions about the power of this industry along with triggering concerns about injury and death from shot mandates. Unlike 1813, 1902, 1905, or 1986, the public today has access to new information sources and best-selling books that detail all the ways in which industry has played fast and loose with science and public health in order to bolster its financial standing.

The industry tried mightily to stop this flow of information using brutal tools of censorship that labelled all vaccine doubt as disinformation, misinformation, and malinformation. These efforts succeeded for a while until First Amendment challenges caused digital companies to relent. The cat is now out of the bag.

In addition, the public lives with the deep wounds and lasting trauma of the Covid period, knowing full well of the industrial interests that pushed for the shocking policies that throttled human rights and wrecked social functioning, all in the interest of pushing an inoculation that not only failed but has caused suffering without precedent. At long last, and after such a long struggle for the freedom to choose, it appears that finally some degree of accountability is coming for an industry that has relied on government backing since its inception.

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Two Storms, One Harvest

Empty Shelves

Every food crisis in living memory has been a one-shock event. The 2008 price spike was a commodity bubble. The 2020 shortages were a logistics failure. The 2022 grain scare was a war on one exporter’s ports. Each time, the system bent, adjusted, and recovered, and each time the experts assured us afterward that global markets are simply too big and too diversified to fail.

What nobody in Washington seems eager to discuss is that 2026 is shaping up to be something the modern food system has never actually faced. Two independent shocks, one climatic and one geopolitical, are converging on the same harvest cycle at the same time. Not sequentially. Simultaneously.

Start with the weather. The Pacific Ocean is currently building toward what forecasters now openly call a record event. NOAA’s Climate Prediction Center puts the odds of at least a strong El Niño near 88 percent, with roughly two in three odds it reaches “very strong” status, the tier reserved for perhaps three or four events in the entire satellite era. Every major global model now projects a median peak in Super El Niño territory, and most of them project it exceeding the 2015-16 event, which until now held the modern record. Sea surface anomalies were already brushing the super threshold in mid-July, months before these events normally peak. The atmosphere has already shifted into El Niño mode, and the event is forecast to crest in late fall and early winter.

This is not about “climate change.” It’s about the standard cycles of weather, and the cycle we’re currently in is one that has likely devastated societies in the past. We’re better prepared as a society today, but not all Americans are equally prepared.

Serious households have started doing the quiet math on their own. Grocery bills tell part of the story, and the forecast maps tell the rest, which is why long-term food storage has moved from fringe hobby to mainstream line item in the family budget, with established suppliers like Heaven’s Harvest seeing demand from people who five years ago would have rolled their eyes at the idea. That instinct is not paranoia. It is pattern recognition, and the pattern is worth walking through carefully.

Editor’s Note: Heaven’s Harvest IS a sponsor, but the warnings of this article are real and would be written even if we didn’t have a survival food sponsor. With that said, those who take advantage of what they offer can use promo code “Patriot” for 15% off.

The Fertilizer Clock Is Already Running

While the Pacific warms, the second shock has been unfolding in the Strait of Hormuz. The conflict with Iran turned the world’s most important energy chokepoint into a contested waterway, and the consequences reach far beyond the gas pump. Roughly a third of global fertilizer trade moves through Hormuz, and the disruption sent urea prices up 86 percent year over year by March, with a 53 percent jump in a single month.

The World Bank projects energy prices rising about 24 percent in 2026 and fertilizer about 31 percent. By its own accounting, fertilizer prices ran 35 percent higher in the first five months of this year than the same period last year.

Here is the mechanism the nightly news will not explain. Fertilizer is not a grocery item. It is a time-delayed input. The nitrogen a farmer in Iowa or Punjab could not afford to apply this spring does not show up as a problem this spring. It shows up as a thinner harvest six to twelve months later.

The World Bank’s own food security brief concedes that the effects of reduced applications earlier this season “are likely to become visible only later in harvest outcomes.” Translate that from institutional language into plain English and it means this. The damage is already done, it is already in the ground, and we are simply waiting for it to arrive on the shelf.

Now check the calendar. Six to twelve months from the spring planting season lands us squarely in late 2026 and early 2027. Which is precisely when the strongest El Niño in the instrumental record is forecast to peak, bringing its signature droughts to Southeast Asia, Australia, southern Africa, northern Brazil, and South Asia, the very regions that grow the world’s rice, sugar, and oilseeds.

The World Bank warns openly that a strong El Niño “could disrupt multiple crop belts simultaneously” on top of the conflict-driven input costs. Their baseline projection assumes the Middle East disruptions ease by autumn. What in the last two years of Middle East history suggests that assumption is safe?

The System Has No Slack Left

The comfortable answer is that global markets always adjust. But adjustment requires slack, and the slack is gone. Global cereal production is expected to decline from last year’s records even before El Niño does its work. The UN World Food Programme, hardly a den of right-wing preppers, is calling this the most significant disruption to its supply chains since Covid and the invasion of Ukraine, and its supply chain director put the stakes bluntly.

Today’s supply chain challenges are tomorrow’s hunger crisis.

There is also a political dimension that markets cannot price. When food gets scarce, governments do not behave like economists. They behave like politicians. Export bans, hoarding mandates, and panic buying at the national level turned the modest rice shortfall of 2008 into a global crisis, and analysts are already warning that import-dependent nations are the first dominoes.

The 2015-16 Super El Niño, a far weaker event than what is now forecast, threw tens of millions into food stress across Africa and Asia. This one is projected to be stronger, and it arrives with fertilizer already rationed by price and shipping lanes already contested by missiles.

What Joseph Knew

Scripture does not treat preparation for lean years as faithlessness. It treats it as wisdom delivered in advance to those willing to act on it.

Behold, there come seven years of great plenty throughout all the land of Egypt: And there shall arise after them seven years of famine; and all the plenty shall be forgotten in the land of Egypt.

Joseph did not respond to that warning with a hashtag or a committee. He stored grain during the years of abundance, and when the famine came, Egypt stood while its neighbors begged. The lesson is not that famine is certain. It is that the time to prepare is precisely when preparation still looks optional.

Nobody who filled a pantry in a year of plenty has ever regretted it, and nobody standing in an empty aisle has ever been glad he waited for certainty.

None of this calls for panic, and panic is the enemy of sound judgment anyway. It calls for the same unglamorous prudence our grandparents considered ordinary. Keep some cash margin, know your local growers, and put real food in deep storage while it is cheap and available, because the entire arc of this story is that cheap and available is a closing window.

Families looking for a straightforward place to start can visit Heaven’s Harvest and use promo code Patriot for 15 percent off long-term storable food. The forecasts may yet soften, the strait may yet reopen, and we should pray they do. But hope is a fine thing to hold and a foolish thing to eat.

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